Principled and Strategic nonviolent conflicts

Although early Twentieth Century was opened with bloody revolution and conflicts, some social change leaders found a better powerful force to push the turning point of brutal regimes. In Russia, an Orthodox Priest, Gapon designed the century with peaceful demonstration on the icy streets of St. Petersburg, and challenged autocratic power publicly. Invaders French and Belgian soldiers were confronted by miners and railway workers at Ruhr after World War I. In India, Gandhi urged his people to stop salt taxes and buying clothes boycott business dominated by British for India independence. When the history showed boycotts, civil disobedience and confrontations could change the courses of governments without explosive weapons, people around the world followed disciplines of nonviolent struggle and used its strategies and tactics. Anti apartheid movement in South Africa, racial segregation boycotts in United States, peaceful transformation in Philippine, resistance campaigns of students in Serbia and other similar struggles had created a long-term peace for their societies. In fact, for peace in blossom and achieve the goal of better lives, every movements should be carried out under the combination of principled nonviolent conflicts and strategic nonviolent movements.



Volodymur filenko, a leader of the Orange Revolution in Ukraine, has suggested “It was very important that we never, ever provoked with aggression” to his mass and warned to soldiers that they are peaceful forces. It is an important part of nonviolent conflicts because from decision of that moment, movement could be deep in negative effects or positive forward steps. Indeed, training for knowledge, patience and systematic moves, functions of leadership and effective communication and unity among activists, a decentralization and inclusive resistance struggle are essential factors for disciplined nonviolent conflicts, and lacks of these factors could jeopardize the success of movement. When the failure of those qualification, many events gave evidences of how the popular uprising and struggles met with unsuccessful ending. During a popular uprising in Burma in 1988, although general strike could stop all government’s mechanism, leaders of pro-democracy groups lost to control crimes; beheading, killing and lootings in capital city Rangoon. Some people might complained those crimes were created by Burmese Socialist regime or people might be committed crimes as they don’t have enough experience and engage with anger to movements. In addition, people responded with violence using long knives and Jinkaligs to security forces when the military couped the power, and most of student leaders left to borderlines for arm-struggle. Frustration, impatience and lacking training delivered some crisis for future movements. On the other hand, while many student leaders and activists were being imprisoned, some revolutionists were battling with Burmese soldiers, and significant student leaders could not fill the vacancy for movements. Again in 1989-90, confrontations and resistances were carried on by 8888 Generation, the violent threats of outside revolution forces gave a reason to the regime for saving the country in danger of insurgency and unity among their soldiers. Indeed, disciplined nonviolent conflicts must zero tolerance, and leaders should aware of serious trainings for all cell leaders. In addition, participants must realize nonviolent struggle always meet with violence and not to response violence with violence. But when the unity among activists was broken and leaders were heading to different directions or the organization became centralized bureaucracy system, movement became blare for success and faced with tragedy. Intifada campaigns and PLO in Palestine and Albanian movement in Kosovo asked why the movements were in crisis and what the main reason of failures were. In Palestine, peaceful resistance and confrontation of Intifada could create a pavement for dialogue an negotiation between Israel and PLO, but PLO was enjoyed in mood of violence and supporting aggressive dictator like Saddam Hussein. When most of leaders of Intifada were arrested and deported , the militant groups and religious leader controlled the policies for movement, and the changing direction of peaceful resistances drove the Palestinians in problematic nightmares. For Albanians in Kosovo, there were three reasons for why their struggles faced with deadlock and crisis. One reason is Albanian lost patience when they did not see any tangible evidences for success of unarmed insurrections for several years. As a result, leading organization LDR expected only external intervention. Third one is LDR is run in centralized bureaucracy. However, Civil Rights movement in United States started with plenty of trainings. African students and activists were familiar with insults by white people at their comprehensive trainings before they sat down at a segregated lunch counter at Woolworth store in the Greensboro, North Carolina, and as a result Black students were no surprised in arbitrary attacks by white. Therefore, within two months, sit-in peaceful demonstration spread 54 cities in nine states, and inclusive resistance movements made a move to success. Thus, by examining those three countries’ problems and success, everybody can catch the important link among training and inclusive resistance, leadership skill and unity, effective international communication in principled nonviolent conflicts.

Indeed, principled nonviolent conflict and strategic nonviolent conflicts are head and tail of a coin and essential weapons for achieving the goal. Choosing objectives, targeting the pillars of support to regime and their institutions, By focusing limited momentum and time frame, leaders have to draw strategies and tactics for short term and long-term struggle. On the other hand, confrontations should persuade the people so that extend inclusive resistance and should have clear agendas and tactics to remove pillars of support such as business, media, religious organizations, unions for the regimes. In Poland, worker representatives limited the movement by deciding forming worker unions is their priority target, and from that specific action, they moved to their freedom movement step by step. In East Timor Independent movement, resistance leader Xanana Gusmao openly criticized violence as senseless movement, and managed dual strategies; internationalization and Indonesianization. He also warned his people not to attack innocent Indonesian civilians, but defied invaded policy and common enemy brutal Suhato regime. On the other hand, he tried to get sympathy of international communities by echoing people resistance movements to Indonesia government and eyes of international societies. Therefore, Timorese gained their victory because of their perfect dual strategies and nonviolent disciplines. In South Africa, anti apartheid campaign leader targeted the businesses White people owned, and boycotts stroke a pillar of apartheid regime. When their campaigns and confrontation became operation D Day, the White government had to come to negotiation table because their pillars businessmen were shock and pushed the regime to change the courses. In Philippine, when the civilians had ability to organize General Ramos, a chief of commanders of army, the dictator Marcos gave up the power and fled from country. Under Pinochet regime in Chile, over couples of hundred were murdered and about 40000 people were arrested and demonstration were cruelly crushed. But tides of people power silently grew up again and again, and principled nonviolent strategic movement forced o topple Pinochet and his government. Therefore, how much you can persuade to your enemies, how much you obey the principles of nonviolent conflicts and how you manage the strategies are critical questions for success and failure of movement.

Without complete commitment to nonviolent conflicts, there is no way to reach a goal. Romero film had teach us when other priests suspected the effectiveness of Romero’s tactics and chose military weapons as their struggle, Salvadorian people lost morality and international support for their cases. In fact both principles and strategies in nonviolent struggle are ladders to successes, and if one key is left apart from another peaceful resistance will be in blared moment and deadlock at some points.


Bibliography



Ackerman, and Jack DuVall, The Right to Rise Up: People Power and the Virtues of Civic Disruption

Professor Michel Nagler; email letter to Aung Moe Win



Articles from Nonviolent Conflicts CD.